Paulo Afonso B. Duarte

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Com Xi, a China distancia-se gradualmente do princípio dogmático da não-interferência, da recomendação prudente de Deng Xiaoping de ocultar as capacidades e esperar a hora certa para, por fim, as manifestar. A China da atualidade não pretende continuar a ser o ator secundário, reclamando um papel condizente com os avanços da sua economia. Embora se perceba como um potência benigna, a China é simultaneamente revisionista. […]

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Uma vez que além da terra e do mar, a FRC também se projeta e materializa na esfera digital, esta monografia não podia deixar de abordar os contornos da Digital Silk Road (DRS), enquanto terceiro corredor da Iniciativa chinesa. Dedicamos a nossa atenção ao plano doméstico chinês – no qual o Sistema de Crédito Social e a Great Firewall da China proporcionam exemplos interessantes do uso do setor digital como instrumento de resiliência do regime – mas também ao plano externo, dada a tendência significativa de globalização que a DSR tem conhecido.

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Although there is a significant number of studies regarding the analysis of the Sino-Russian relations and their cooperation in the Arctic, the existing literature fails to investigate how the two realist and revisionist eastern powers might misalign when mutual interests overlap with their further agendas. On the other hand, studies on Russian and Chinese revisionism toward the US-led hegemonic world order often assumes their joint cooperation, but seldomly takes into account how the very same realism may turn their cooperation into regional competition and animosity. Overviewing a precious and resource-

-stacked geopolitical Arctic, the cooperation between both actors may stray from mutual interests when these overlap, if China asserts its influence over Russian territory. Given the gap mentioned above, this chapter aims to address the following research question: To what extent are Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic characterised by a revisionist logic? […]

Although there is a vast literature on South Korean cultural and economic expansion, there is still a gap in the systematic investigation of the strategic instrumentalisation of the Hallyu by the South Korean government. Furthermore, most studies are based on Nye’s soft power model, without considering theoretical approaches that are more appropriate for middle powers. This chapter seeks to fill this gap by answering the following research question: To what extent does the Hallyu phenomenon prove to be an instrument at the service of South Korea’s soft power? The period studied spans from 2010, a turning point in the Hallyu’s global expansion, to 2024, which is marked by new achievements and the availability of the most recent data. The methodology combines the analysis of primary sources, including official South Korean government documents, soft power indices (Soft Power Index 30, Global Soft Power Index) and reports on the Hallyu’s global impact (Global Hallyu Status). In turn, the theoretical framework draws on the concept of soft power, as developed by Nye and refined by Lee Geun, who proposes a model more suitable to the reality of South Korea. Our results show that despite sometimes excessive government intervention, market saturation and vulnerability to scandals, the Hallyu remains a main asset of South Korean public diplomacy.

Despite the substantial body of work on the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, there remains nonetheless a notable gap in the literature concerning the influence of these organisations on regional security dynamics. This study aims to fill this gap by providing a detailed examination of how the SCO and CSTO influence security dynamics in Central Asia, with a particular focus on the relationship between China and Russia. In this sense, we consider that the analysis of the Central Asian countries’ relationship with Beijing and Moscow, together with the Sino-Russian relationship itself, is best perceived through a middle approach between anarchy (advocated by realism and neorealism) and pacifism and ethics (prescribed by liberalism). Thus, the Agency in its constructivist perspective is our chosen conceptual lens to analyse the security dynamics in Central Asia, characterised by an interplay of cooperation and competition. Having said this, we propose to answer the following research question: How do the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation influence security dynamics in Central Asia in the light of the Sino-Russian relationship? Our conclusions suggest that the security landscape of Central Asia is heavily influenced by the interplay of cooperation and competition between Moscow and Beijing. While the SCO and CSTO provide platforms for collective security and economic development, their member states’ different priorities may lead to varying degrees of effectiveness in addressing regional challenges.

China’s rise is usually measured through economic growth, technological innovation, or military strength. Yet these indicators alone cannot explain how the country governs itself or how it positions its power in an increasingly interconnected world.

In China’s Interpretive State, Paulo Duarte offers a compelling new perspective: modern Chinese governance operates not only through institutions and policies, but also through the strategic construction of narratives that define reality, shape public expectations, and guide political action.

Drawing on political theory, discourse analysis, and international relations, the book examines how narratives function as instruments of authority across four key arenas: leadership legitimacy, social cohesion, foreign policy, and financial security. From Mao Zedong’s revolutionary discourse to Deng Xiaoping’s developmental pragmatism and Xi Jinping’s vision of national rejuvenation, Duarte reveals how China’s leaders have used interpretation itself as a tool of governance.

Insightful and timely, this book provides a deeper understanding of how China manages complexity, legitimacy, and power within today’s global order.